Session 174: The Spirit of Bandung: New Perspectives after Fifty Years

Organizer and Discussant: Antonia Finnane, University of Melbourne

Chair: Robert Eison, University of Queensland

As the fiftieth anniversary of the historic Conference of Asian and African Nations approaches, a sudden flurry of activity related to the anniversary is evident in a new round of international meetings involving Asian and African countries. The stated goal of these meetings is to strengthen the relationship between African and Asian countries in "the spirit of the Bandung Asian-African Conference of 1955." Indonesia is the prime mover behind the meetings, but has met with an enthusiastic response, particularly from South Africa. Moreover, in China, too, the "spirit of Bandung" is being invoked in a number of contexts as the golden jubilee draws near. Clearly, an event hardly recalled in the west continues to resonate in the postcolonial world. In the theater of world politics in the 1950s, the Bandung Conference was one of the great performances. Featuring high ritual and dramatic confrontations, attended by some of the most notable political leaders of the era, it marked a moment, ten years after the collapse of the Japanese empire, when a new sort of non-Western assertiveness became apparent. In the USA, it was reported at the time in dismissive and occasionally sneering tones. Half a century later, new research on the 1950s—on topics as diverse as human rights, socialism and neutralism, intellectual reorientations in post-war Japan, and China’s international relations—is affirming the conference’s great historical significance.

The "Bandung Spirit" in Postwar Japan

Kristine Dennehy, California State University, Fullerton

Following Japan’s participation in the Afro-Asian Conference of 1955, held in Bandung Indonesia, it is quite common to find references to the Bandung Conference, or the so-called "Bandung Spirit" in the writings of Japanese leftist intellectuals. In this paper, I argue that this term, the "Bandung Spirit," functions as a kind of code word for Japan’s postwar shift to more peaceful relations with its Asian neighbors, following the 20th century experience of Japanese imperialist domination. This paper will focus on the symbolism attached to the so-called "Bandung Spirit" in postwar Japan. In postwar Japanese historiography, the Bandung Spirit, with its nuances of peaceful cooperation and respect for national sovereignty, exemplifies the contrast between Japan’s militaristic past and prospects for more peaceful ties in the post-World War II world. In this way, the ideals and goals of the Bandung Conference are inextricably linked to the emerging discourse in the 1950s among postwar Japanese intellectuals over how to forge new kinds of ties with the former colonial subjects of the Japanese empire. Although members of more Leftist circles did not actually attend Bandung, because of their position in postwar society, their importance lies in the social commentary they produced in the aftermath of Bandung. Sources for such commentary include monthly journals such as Sekai, Chuo Koron, etc. This paper relies on such sources in an examination of the debates that arose in Japan at the time of, and in the wake of, the Bandung Conference.

Attitudes towards Neutralism in the Postcolonial World: Some Commonalities between the 1953 Asian Socialist Conference and the 1955 Asian-African Conference

Kyaw Zaw Win, University of Wollongong

The Bandung Conference of 1955 is often regarded as the starting point for the non-aligned or neutralist movement. In fact, the Asian socialist movements that flourished in the years before 1955 had a formative influence on the Bandung Conference in 1955, and can be seen to foreshadow the neutralist position favored by some prominent participants in the Bandung Conference. This is well demonstrated by a study of the Asian Socialist Conference, a Party-level Conference, convened in Burma in 1953. Contacts between members of the international socialist movement in Asia were based on the triangular relationship between India, Burma and Indonesia, a relationship in which Japan had a supplementary role. The cordial relations among the three countries developed out of their struggles for independence. Based on these contacts, the Social Democrats from the four countries agreed at the beginning of 1950s to refrain from joining either of the two power-blocs of the Cold War. The 1953 Conference had a number of other features in common with the Bandung Conference. Among the most important was the determination on "World Peace" made at both conferences. The determination in each case involved approaching the United Nations on disarmament, prohibition of the production, experimentation, maintenance and use of Atomic weapons, and the statement that Atomic energy should only be utilized for peaceful purposes. This shared position on nuclear weapons was consistent with shared sympathies for neutralism.

The Bandung Conference and the Emergence of China’s Middle Eastern Policy

Yufeng Mao, George Washington University

The Bandung conference saw the emergence of China’s Middle Eastern policy. The Chinese goal to gain Arab friendship was achieved by exploiting the following issues: (1) China and the Arab world’s common opposition to colonialism and imperialism; (2) Egypt’s aspiration to a leadership role in the Arab and Muslim world; (3) surging Arab nationalism which was reflected on the issues of Palestine and French North Africa; and (4) the existence of a huge Chinese Muslim population. In order to break into the Middle East and expand the "united front of peace" to include the Arabs, the Chinese at the Bandung Conference emphasized Afro-Asian solidarity, promoted good relations with Egypt, supported the Palestinians, and encouraged religious exchanges. By deemphasizing their Communist ideology and identifying with the Asian-African world, the Chinese established common ground with the Arabs. Mutual interests brought China and Egypt closer to each other and paved the way for China to expand her influence in the Arab world. The Chinese decision at Bandung to side with the Arabs on the issue of Arab-Israeli conflict enabled China to exploit Arab nationalism in the future to increase her influence; and Islam became a channel of diplomacy for the Chinese and the Arabs in the absence of formal diplomatic channels. These tactics were effective in improving relations between the Arabs and the Chinese. They generated a wave of good feeling toward "Red China" in the Arab world, and enabled China not only to obtain diplomatic recognition, but also to gain influence among Arab intellectuals, and within Arab societies more broadly. These short-term tactics would become long-term characteristics of China’s Middle Eastern policy.

Bandung’s Unlikely Allies: Human Rights and Afro-Asian Nationalism at the 1955 Asian-African Conference

Roland Burke, University of Melbourne

This paper will explore the forgotten place of human rights at the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung. Contrary to existing accounts of the conference, which emphasize the anti-colonial and latent anti-Western feeling of the participants, this paper will demonstrate that there was a significant positive engagement with human rights by a diverse range of states at Bandung. The conference hosted two of the world’s foremost proponents of the human rights idea, Carlos Romulo (Philippines) and Charles Malik (Lebanon.) These men would play a central role in the debates on human rights that took place at Bandung, debates which occupied almost the entire first day allotted to the drafting the Final Communiqué. Their arguments received a sympathetic reception from anti-colonial nationalists from across Asia and Africa. For many of the delegates, the struggle against colonialism had important affinities with the struggle for human rights. Individual freedom and national independence were parallel and mutually supportive projects. The early phase of Afro-Asian nationalism saw the emergence of a reflexive interest in democracy and human rights, and many nationalist leaders had personally experienced the repressive administration adopted by most variants of European colonialism. Notwithstanding the assertions of some noted human rights scholars, the Asian-African Conference did not presage the recent cultural relativist challenge to human rights. When the concept of universal human rights was challenged by the most powerful nation at the conference, it found enthusiastic champions among the smaller states.