Organizer: Kate Xiao Zhou, University of Hawaii
Chair: Chae Jin Lee, Claremont McKenna College
Discussant: Bruce Cumings, University of Chicago
Three important happenings altered the security arrangement in East Asia: the end of the Cold War, Taiwanese democratization, and the East Asian financial crisis. The theme of the panel will capture those trends of rapid change and try to focus on the following dimensions of the region: (1) territorial problems; (2) nationalism; (3) democracy; (4) economic independence.
Professor Igarashi analyzes challenges to the Japan-U.S. strategic defense alliance by examining three cases: (1) international perceptions of a weak Japan after the Gulf War; (2) the notorious rape of a young Okinawan girl; (3) the monetary crisis. Yoshihisa Amae examines the problems of Japan-North Korean normalization and offers a new approach to the soft-landing of North Korea. Kate Zhou analyzes the Taiwanese democratization and its impact on the issue of unification. Zhao Shushing argues that Chinese nationalism has been a situational matter, more reactive than proactive in international affairs.
The objective of the panel is not simply to specify problems of East Asian security, but also to identify the driving forces that may most cost effectively move us toward peace and security in East Asia in the 21st century.
Nationalism and Aggression: Perspectives, Orientations, and Characteristics of Chinese Nationalism
Suisheng Zhao, Colby College
Although the linkage between nationalism and aggression is by no means proven, when some scholars express concerns about the emergence of nationalism, they often take aggression and war-causing behavior of nationalism for granted, assuming it without explanation. The extensive attention and alarm over the rise of Chinese nationalism in recent years illustrates this assumption. Although some scholars have been cautious in raising the question of whether Chinese nationalism is affirmative, assertive, or aggressive, others have labeled Chinese nationalism as aggressive. This paper attempts to explore whether or not Chinese nationalism is a source of international aggression by examining perspectives, orientations, and characteristics of Chinese nationalism. It argues that Chinese nationalism has been a situational matter, more reactive than proactive in international affairs. Although Chinese nationalism, like nationalism in other countries, may develop into feelings of hostility toward other peoples and nations, the cost of promoting virulent ultra-nationalism by Chinese leaders is disproportionally high. Nationalism in the Chinese case has been largely inward-directed sentiments that have held the nation together in a turbulent modern world. It is not inevitably linked with international aggression.
The Challenges of the Japanese Comprehensive Security System
Akio Igarashi, Rikkyo University
Since the end of the Cold War, Japan has found itself unable to take refuge in its once-comfortable position as a member of the Western alliance while still depending on the United States for its national defense. The first challenge to this position occurred after the Gulf War when Japan received little or no appreciation from the international community despite the fact that Japan had the lion share of monetary contributions among the Western alliances. This has had a profound effect on Japanese domestic politics, giving rise to a critical reexamination of the pacifism on which the Japanese constitution is based. A similar situation has occurred in Germany where it has been argued that the nation should become a "normal" state that can adapt to the realities of the international community and comply with military action.
The second crisis has been the rape of a young girl by U.S. military personnel stationed on American bases in Okinawa prefecture. This incident has touched off an explosion of the pent-up rage of the Okinawan citizens. This rage has been directed at the U.S. military and their bases as well as the citizens of the Japanese mainland who enjoy the conceit that they live in a "nation of peace" while leaving 75% of the U.S. military in Japan stationed in an Okinawa that accounts for only 0.6% of Japan. One reason why there has been so little debate on national security in Japan is that U.S. bases have been positioned in an area far removed from the majority of Japanese citizens.
The third ordeal has been the monetary crisis. Until now, Japan’s consideration of national security has been restricted to military issues. Since the end of the Cold War, the degree of cooperation and interdependence has intensified throughout the world. It has become necessary to consider national security not simply in terms of fiscal management but in a way that includes the complex problem of cooperation that extends to issues such as human rights and the natural environment. It is absolutely necessary for a country like Japan that has had little experience in the past of a subjective consideration of national security to explore the perspective of comprehensive security that has emerged in European debates.
Taiwan’s Democratization and Its Impact on China’s Unification
Kate Xiao Zhou, University of Hawaii
This paper explores the impact of Taiwan’s democratization on the issue of unification of the two sides of the Taiwan straits. The main argument of the paper states that democratization in Taiwan has fundamentally altered the relations across the Taiwan Straits and created challenges for unification. First of all, democratization in Taiwan has given rise to the independence movement in Taiwan. The emergence of pro-independence political parties not only eliminated the rhetoric of unification among the dominant party but also raised Taiwan’s independence as a significant political alternative. The opposition parties in Taiwan tried their best to use votes to express their desire for independence. In fact, the process of democratization is also a process of Taiwanization. The Beijing government could no longer negotiate unification with its long-term enemy, the Guomingdang.
Second, Taiwan’s rapid democratization helped it to gain support and sympathy from the international community, especially from the American Congress. Using undemocratic China as its foil, Taiwan’s policy of alienating China will gain further support. In March 1996, the U.S. sent two aircraft carriers to protect Taiwan.
Third, political opening in Taiwan enabled Taiwanese citizens to be informed of the political and social environment in mainland China. Since Nov. 2, 1997, the Taiwan government has allowed its citizens to visit mainland China. The underdevelopment and undemocratic nature of mainland Chinese society provided the best propaganda for the Taiwanese independence movement. A recent survey shows increasing support for independence in Taiwan.
The deepening gap between democratization and authoritarianism and the growing economic gap between the Taiwanese people and mainland Chinese will move Taiwan and China further apart, making unification an impossible dream for the Beijing elite.
Japan-DPRK Diplomatic Normalization: A New Approach in Engaging the North?
Yoshihisa Amae, University of Hawaii
North Korea still remains as a primary threat in Northeast Asia. However, as the Chinese started to show their commitment to help North Korea, the theory of an early collapse seems to have faded. It is now in the interest of every surrounding nation to soft-land the North. The question remains how. Several attempts have been made: North-South Dialogue, the Four-Party Talks, and the Chinese assistance. While such attempts have kept North Koreans at the negotiation table, they have not been effective to solve the fundamental problem.
In this paper, I suggest a new approach toward the issue: Japan-DPRK diplomatic normalization. I argue that what North Korea needs the most, facing a disastrous famine, is an immediate acquisition of hard currency to revitalize its economy. Currently, Japan is the only country which is capable of doing this. In fact, it is in North Korea’s interest to normalize its diplomatic relationship with Japan. Pyongyang is expecting to receive at least $10 billion from Tokyo as a compensation for its 36 years of colonial rule before 1945. To normalize diplomatic relationship with North Korea is an important task for the Japanese government in order to liquidate the tragic past between the two countries. Japan normalized its diplomatic relationship with South Korea in 1965; however the reality of the Cold War kept the country away from the Northern counterpart for a long time. Now that the Cold War has ended, Japan should accelerate its process for normalization for the sake of its national security as well as the regional security.
However, in reality, the process of normalization has been stagnant for the past years. What makes Japan reluctant to pursue normalization? I look into both domestic as well as international restraints behind the Japanese status-quo policy. Moreover, I challenge those involved to figure out Japanese strategy on the regional security in the Post-Cold War. Asserting that a collective approach by Japan, United States, South Korea, and China is necessary to realize the soft-landing of North Korea, I contend the three countries, especially the United States, should actively support the Japan-DPRK normalization. To prevent North Korea’s collapse is not a zero-sum game, but a positive-sum game for all surrounding countries. The soft-landing of North Korea will be a touchstone for a cooperative approach on conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era.