Organizer: Christopher C. Meyerson, Columbia University
Discussant: Robert M. Uriu, Columbia University
This panel explores Japan's evolving multilateralism in the areas of trade and security. According to John Ruggie, "multilateralism refers to coordinating relations among three or more states in accordance with certain principles." For most of the postwar period, Japan has relied on what Dennis Yasutomo has called a "neo-mercantilist, neo-isolationist, low-profile, low-risk strategy. However, as Professor Yasutomo and others have noted, Japan is having to find a new course "to cope with the turmoil and uncertainty in the current post-Cold War era." Part of this new course in Japanese foreign policy involves increasing involvement and participation in multilateral institutions.
The four papers examine Japan's evolving multilateralism from a variety of perspectives and in a number of areas. Christopher Meyerson outlines Japan's evolving multilateralism in relation to international trade organizations, examining the more assertive role Japan adopted in the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations. Paul Midford looks at international, domestic, and other factors contributing to the Nakayama proposal and Japan's emergence as a leader in regional security multilateralism. Tsuyoshi Kawasaki analyzes realist and liberal elements in Japan's early policy toward the recently established ASEAN Regional Forum. Akiko Fukushima focuses on how Japan, which placed significant emphasis on bilateralism since the end of World War II, has been creating and promoting multilateral security dialogue in the Asia-Pacific through official and unofficial dialogue processes.
Japan's Evolving Role in Multilateral Trade Institutions: The GATT Uruguay Round
Agricultural Negotiations
Christopher C. Meyerson, Columbia University
This paper merges theoretical discussions of the role of multilateralism in a country's foreign policymaking with an analysis of Japan's evolving role in multilateral trade institutions, through an examination of Japan's role in the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations (1986-1994).
Japan became a member of GATT in 1955, and gradually began liberalizing imports. During the GATT Kennedy Round (1963-1967), Japan adopted a rather passive negotiating stance. By the time of the GATT Tokyo Round (1973-1979), Japan had assumed a much larger percentage of world industrial production and trade, and took a greater role in the overall negotiations, agreeing to significant agricultural trade concessions. By the time of the GATT Uruguay Round (1986-1994), Japan had become the second largest economy in the world. However, Japan's participation in the GATT Uruguay Round negotiations was greatly affected by its resistance to accepting comprehensive tariffication in the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations. The GATT Uruguay Round negotiations, therefore, represent a critical stage in the evolution of Japan's role in multilateral trade institutions, particularly in relation to agriculture.
The paper concludes by placing the above analysis of Japan's role in the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations in the context of discussions of Japan's evolving multilateralism.
From Reactive State to Cautious Leader: The Nakayama Proposal and Japan's Role in
Promoting Multilateral Security Dialogues in East Asia
Paul Midford, Columbia University
In July 1991, Japan reversed years of steadfast opposition to regional security multilateralism in East Asia, and proposed the creation of a multilateral security dialogue within the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference (PMC) framework. The Nakayama proposal represented a dramatic departure from Japan's reactive policy toward regional security. Tokyo's previous role had been predicated on a promise, embodied in the Fukuda doctrine, that Japan would never again become a military power, and a steadfast abstention from any military cooperation with other East Asian states. Japan refused to even talk about regional security with its neighbors. The Nakayama proposal set in motion changes in Japan's regional security policy. First, Japan has elaborated on the Nakayama proposal with a series of initiatives promoting regional security multilateralism, thereby indicating a shift from reactive state to cautious leader. Second, although Japan has reaffirmed its pledge never again to become a military power, it has begun to discuss regional security with its neighbors, and is contemplating limited forms of security cooperation, through regional multilateral structures. International, domestic political, and other factors contributing to the Nakayama proposal and Japan's emergence as a leader in regional security multilateralism are assessed.
Between Realism and Idealism in Japanese Foreign Policy: The Case of the ASEAN
Regional Forum
Tsuyoshi Kawasaki, Simon Fraser University
This paper analyzes the amalgamation of realist and liberal elements in Japan's early policy toward the recently established ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). For Japan, the ARF at its inception was a policy instrument directed toward China, and Japan itself: to increase the transparency of Chinese intentions and to keep reassuring Japan's neighbors that Japan had no offensive intentions against them. Realism, which regards international institutions as states' power instruments against some other states, can easily explain the first goal, but not the second goal concerning Japan's own reputation. This latter, seemingly self-constraining motivation for joining the ARF, which is indeed puzzling when compared with China's realist attitude toward the same institution, is better captured by neoliberal-institutionalist analysis that emphasizes the long-term benefits of establishing good reputation through international institutions. The present paper further explores domestic political foundations for Japan's reputational motivation in question.
Emerging Multilateral Security Dialogue in the Asia-Pacific: The View from Tokyo
Akiko Fukushima, Johns Hopkins University
During the Cold War, the Asia-Pacific was a void of substantial multilateralism in security, in contrast to Europe, where NATO and the CSCE were created. It was said that diversity in the region has made the Asia-Pacific an infertile ground for multilateralism, be it for economy or security. Moreover, the region lacked the unifying ideology of a common threat. It may not be an exaggeration to say that what each nation in the Asia-Pacific feared was actually each other.
However, we have seen a sea change in the Asia-Pacific after the end of the Cold War. Following a successful example in economic cooperation, that is, the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the region created the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1994. In addition to the so-called track-one dialogue processes, a number of track-two dialogue processes have also been organized. In 1995, more than 100 such gatherings were held in the Asia-Pacific.
Recently Japan, which has placed significant emphasis on bilateralism since the end of World War II, has been more forthcoming on multilateral security cooperation. This study examines how Tokyo's press coverage has evolved on multilateral security cooperation to find out whether the above assertion can be substantiated in terms of the media interest. This paper also examines the evolution of security dialogue in the Asia-Pacific at track-one and track-two levels and Japan's involvement in them.