Organizer: John B. Duncan, University of California, Los Angeles
Chair and Discussant: Hugh H. W. Kang, University of Hawai'i, Manoa
Late Koryô (1270-1392), coming at the end of a long glorious period, has been virtually ignored by Korean scholars and consequently little understood by westerners. The image of this period has been tarnished by the fact that during much of this time, Koryô had to endure Mongol Yuan domination, an experience that many Koreans have preferred to forget.
There are many developments that deserve attention in this period and the three papers presented in this panel will look at the institutional and social changes that marked this era. Prof. Kim will examine royal power and the role of kingship, showing how the kings of Koryô, despite spending years in the Mongol court, strove to assert their independence from Yuan. Prof. Duncan will also focus on institutional developments by looking specifically at the role of the Privy Council and its relation to royal power during this time. Prof. Hong will examine social change, noting the enhanced social mobility that seems to mark the entire late Koryô period.
These presentations, by investigating late Koryô, will notonly provide a deeper understanding of that period, but will also bring into greater focus the complexities and transitions that occurred throughout the entire Koryô era. Moreover, the papers will help explain the dynamics behind the rise of the next dynasty Chosôn by demonstrating that many of the changes associated with this new kingdom can be found in late Koryô. Finally, these papers enable us to examine a unique time in Korean history when Koreans had to accept domination from a foreign power. The Korean response to this subjugation provides clear insight into the Koreans' ability to accommodate and yet maintain their own separate identity.
The Period of Yuan Intervention in Koryô
Tangt'aek Kim, Chônnan University
Yuan's political intervention in Korea began in 1270 when the capital returned to Kaegyông, and lasted until 1356 in King Kongmin's reign. Research on this period has emphasized the power of Yuan and stressed internal developments by focusing on the political power structure and intellectual history. However, these studies rarely considered the political conditions of the time.
Yuan controlled Koryô by using the throne as a lure. When King Ch'ungnyôl from a base of strong royal power made demands which Yuan was unwilling to accept, he was forced to abdicate and was replaced by King Ch'ungsôn. However, when King Ch'ungsôn adopted policies unfavorable to Yuan, Yuan restored King Ch'ungnyôl to the throne. This same case can be found with King Ch'ungsuk and King Ch'unghye. This policy of Yuan incurred severe difficulties domestically for Koryô.
In ruling Koryô, Yuan used pro-Yuan forces within Koryô such as the people who supported the "King of Shen" in King Ch'ungsuk's reign or Ki Ch'ôl during King Ch'unghye reign. They were useful in controlling the Koryô king, and of course they were protected by Yuan.
An individual who stressed strong antipathy to this policy of Yuan was King Ch'unghye. By building his royal guard detachment and strengthening royal power he believed he would be able to resist Yuan intervention. From the Yuan perspective this action was nothing but treason and accordingly Yuan arrested and exiled King Ch'unghye who died in the process.
King Ch'unghye's death had a great impact on many of Koryô's officials who differed from the pro-Yuan forces. These were people who had passed the state examination or were descendants of families that had held offices for a number of generations and to them the death of King Ch'unghye threatened both the institutions of Koryô and their own positions. Feeling a sense of crisis, this group started to join with the anti-Yuan forces in Koryô.
To pacify this discontent and to support reform in Koryô, Yuan enthroned the anti-Yuan King Kongmin. However, the enthronement of King Kongmin resulted in further fanning the anti-Yuan atmosphere which threatened those who had maintained their political power through close ties with Yuan. Finally, with the strengthening of this type of anti-Yuan feeling, the anti-Yuan policies of King Kongmin were able to succeed and Koryô was able to cast off the political intervention of Yuan.
The Todang and Political Power in Late Koryô
John B. Duncan, University of California, Los Angeles
Interpretations of Korean socio-political history have described the late Koryô as a period when a dominant capital-based "great family" (kwônmun sejok) aristocracy was locked in struggle with a "new scholar-official" (sinhûng sadaebu) class of rural origins. These "great families" are believed to have been closely aligned with Koryô's Mongol overlords and to have exercised political control over the kingdom through an aristocratic policy-making and administrative council known as the Todang. After the decline of the Mongol hegemony in the mid-14th century, the "great families" began to lose their monopoly on power and were subsequently overthrown by the new "scholar-officials" at the time of the founding of the Chosôn kingdom in 1392.
Recent scholarship on the social composition of the late Koryô elites, however, has called into question their bifurcation into two distinct social classes, arguing that the term "scholar-official" was used for the aristocracy as a whole and that the term "great families" was applied only to a very small number of individuals and families whose wealth and power was so great as to undermine the foundations of aristocratic rule. In this paper, I will continue this reexamination of late Koryô polity, focusing on the question of political power. I will present evidence that the Todang was actually dormant throughout the period of Mongol hegemony when the "powerful families" supposedly dominated Koryô political life and will argue that real political power during those years resided not in the bureaucracy, but in the inner palace where the kings and their Mongol consorts relied on eunuchs and other palace favorites. The Todang surfaced as an important political center only in the final decades of Koryô, when the kings could no longer call on Mongol support. The emergence of the Todang at this time not only represented a resurgence of aristocratic power, but it also provided the venue through which Yi Sông-gye and his supporters launched the program of reform that led to the overthrow of the Koryô.
Social Mobility in Late Koryô
Seung-ki Hong, Sôgang University
I. Two Principles Buttressing the Koryô Social Structure
Koryô, like the other traditional states that had emerged in Korean history, was not an egalitarian society. This is best seen in the inequality and inequity of Koryô's social strata to which every person belonged. As the expected social functions and roles of each stratum differed, so did the rights and duties of individuals within the stratum vary. The individual's social position, inherited on the basis of either laws or customs, also differed.
The social strata system adhered to two contradictory principles: one that social mobility was curtailed, the other that it was permitted. These two seemingly opposite rules developed a harmony as the former was stressed while the later was not encouraged. Despite the difficulty in balancing these two principles, the social structure enjoyed stability, providing an equilibrium to the Koryô social order.
II. The Equilibrium Imperiled in Late Koryô
Three political changes imperiled the equilibrium in the Koryô social structure: the military coup of 1170; the Mongol intervention, and the reforms by King Kongmin. These great upheavals of late Koryô gave way to social mobility in the aristocracy and general populace as well. Some of the most powerful politicians, Yi Uimin, Kim Chun and Sin Ton, all came from slave status.
Besides political change, economic factors also enhanced social change. Of special note was that large farms appeared over most parts of the countryside. Free yet poor peasants were frequently absorbed into the farms run by rich and powerful aristocrats. Many of these peasants became tenants and some eventually fell into slave status. On the other hand the establishment or abolition of certain social systems had a direct impact on social mobility. The enactment of the Civilian and Military Appointment on an Alternate Basis (Munmu kyoch'a chedo), the Additional Appointment System (Ch'omsoljik) and the Reward Appointment System (Napsok pokwon chedo), along with the ending of the Degraded District System (Pugok chedo) facilitated social mobility enabling in particular the lower populace to easily climb the ladder of success.
III. Characteristics of Social Mobility in Late Koryô
The military coup of 1170 contributed to the awakening of social consciousness among the general populace. Many free peasants and slaves participated in rebellions and revolts. This resistance contributed to their enhanced social status. Men of lower status volunteered to join the army during this period of frequent military coups and foreign invasions. If such individuals exhibited military merit or valor, they were rewarded with an official appointment. If a man of lower status gathered wealth, he could bribe an official to acquire a position in the state hierarchy. Moreover, a person grieved by his social status might willingly use private wealth to advance. On the other hand, some free peasants fell into slave status. This was usually as a result of a deteriorating economic situation. For example, when a financial crisis confronted a free peasant, one avenue could lead to slave status. To become a slave was one choice for a poor peasant.
IV. Significance
Changes in social status appeared as rich peasants and slaves tended to advance to higher status while poorer peasants fell to the lowest status. This phenomenon mirrored the heightened social mobility of the age which was influenced by the changes in leadership among the elites. These changes also brought on the emergence of a new leadership which tried to maintain ties with the masses. In this respect, the new political force known as the "new scholar-officials" (Sadaebu) in the late years of Koryô was also a product of the increased social mobility.